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Posted - 09/07/2009 : 14:21:57
德國革命、戰敗、瓦解、內戰的一蹶不振過程
許多人對於第一次世界大戰的印象就是「協約戰勝同盟、四大帝國解體、凡爾賽條約」，但是這些概括的認識不能說明德國在戰間期的心態轉變，因此我們得從德國人和奧地利人的角度出發去看待第一次世界大戰最後那幾個月發生的事情。
1918年，雖然厭戰情緒高漲，德國的戰爭經濟也被逼迫到了限界點，但是在俄國革命結束東戰線、西線開啟皇帝攻勢以來，德軍的士氣迎向了1914年序盤連戰連勝以來的最高峰───即使這是個不切實際而且立論有些空泛的期待。德軍期待著再一次把戰線推向馬恩河，取得有利的和談條件之際，國內發生了基爾水兵暴動事件，接著就是德國國內反戰聲浪的總爆發。
工人、水兵、左翼運動份子的串聯使得反戰怒吼聲達到最高點，德皇迫於形勢流亡海外，德意志帝國也就這樣劃下了句點，留下來的是一個任由協約國予取予求的戰敗國。
以英法美為首的協約國沒有認清他們之所以能在1918年取得世界大戰的勝利，是因為「德國人不想打了」，而誤以為是「協約國戰勝了」，按照傳統的歐洲國家遊戲規則，對德國加諸了非常苛刻的凡爾賽條約。據說法國元帥福煦強烈反對克里蒙梭總理提出的賠償案，當凡爾賽條約簽字之際，福煦評論道：「這不是和平、只是20年的休戰」而他的感嘆竟準確的應驗了。
復員歸國的德國軍人，迎接他們的是冷言嘲諷的批評和殘破不堪的家鄉，他們對於社會的不公不義感到憤怒，並對於為何戰爭不是在前線結束而是因為後方的瓦解而告終感到迷惑不解，再說皇帝也跑掉了，不像日本二次大戰終戰好歹還有個玉音放送說一句「各位辛苦了、戰爭結束」，沒人來跟他們解釋局勢為什麼會變成今天這樣───於是就出現了「背刺說」這樣的陰謀論。
有說法是指出猶太人是幕後真兇，也有看法認為煽動海軍水兵造反的共產主義者才是責任者，但不管怎麼說，德國人至少不是在戰場上被打敗的，這種解釋讓這些殘兵敗將感到心理稍微好過了一點，但也成為日後納粹論述建立的重要溫床基礎。
1918年的終戰對德國人來說並不代表和平的到來，法軍進駐了魯爾，波蘭甚至侵佔了遠超過當初凡爾賽和約規範領土的普魯士地區，更慘的是德國自己也在打內戰───德國內戰的期間大約是從1918復員終戰到1923年之間，很零星的一連串小械鬥的總集結，根本的原因是大戰結束後德國的無政府狀態、和凡爾賽條約使德國的軍警力量消失，威瑪德國自以為有控制局勢的能力而他們錯估了這點，使得德國的治安狀況幾乎倒退回中古世紀的狀態。
共產主義者試圖組織「革命軍」奪取政權，建立一個蘇維埃式的共和國；而那些從前線歸國的退伍軍人則組成右翼民兵「自由軍團」與之械鬥火拼，波蘭騎兵則在德東省份燒殺擄掠鼓吹波森省起義來歸，就算後來自由軍團被解散，德國各地仍常傳出各式各樣的民兵交火事件；威瑪政府因為手上無兵，所以只能看著極右派和共產黨與波蘭兵開著裝甲車用機關槍在街上戰鬥（盡管這些白天廝殺的民兵晚上會跑到同一家啤酒館裡喝酒），然後縮在議會裡發表一些不切實際的空泛法案，儘管這些法案被認為擁有很高的完成度，但在沒有辦法付諸實現的情況下也不過是桌上空談而已。
奧地利的情況是更糟糕的，雖然沒有在打內戰，可是奧匈帝國解體後，僅剩下「帝國的頭腦」部份的奧地利本土根本無法照顧自己，充滿了音樂家與藝術家的土地無法生產麵包與鋼鐵，奧地利代表幾乎是每年跪下來央求國聯能夠同意德國或義大利還是瑞士哪個誰請把奧地利合併起來，不然賣給英國法國還是美國都無所謂，不然他們就全都要餓死了───不過依照民族自決原則，這個快餓死的新國家奧地利還是只能做自己，到最後奧地利在戰間期最主要的經濟產業是對德國貿易啤酒與食品。
然而，挽救了這一切，在威瑪德國即將遭受滅頂之災以前伸出援手的國家，是那個在大海另一端，曾被歌德頌揚為「沒有舊世界包袱的美麗之國」。
重建的一線曙光
美國的經濟情況沒有英法那麼惡劣，對於德國的賠款需求不是那麼樣的迫切，而美國的民意大致上也因為德國投降而使露西塔尼亞號事件的怒氣得到消解；因此整體來說，美國就算不願意主持國際聯盟，但還是很樂意免除對德國的部份戰爭賠款，並且提供重建所需的經濟援助和低息貸款，相對的用低價採購德國工業製品作為抵償賠款的變通方式，這就是「道威斯計畫」。
道威斯計畫這筆寶貴的錢對威瑪德國來說正是天降甘霖，積欠好幾年沒發的軍餉和拖到現在都沒能成真的法案都可以正式實施了，威瑪政府得以重整軍警組織，壓制新興的共黨和極右勢力，恢復治安並重建德國政府的法統正當性。差不多就在這個時間點，希特勒帶領衝鋒隊員（SA）發動慕尼黑啤酒館起義，結果被體制已經確立再建的威瑪政府肅清逮捕，進了監獄。
1923~1929之間，威瑪共和國在古斯塔夫．施特拉瑟曼（Gustav Stresemann）總理的領導下，透過美國的網開一面，得以一邊喘息一邊償還對英法的戰爭賠款，英法也願意撤出魯爾區，德國取回了「正常國家」的外交地位，德國國防軍悄悄的以治安和後備為名目重建起來，一切情勢看起來正在好轉當中，威瑪德國的經濟逐漸超越了1914年開戰前夕的那個德意志帝國。
但是、這些繁榮都只不過是假像、是那場世界大戰的戰爭景氣殘餘之下，名為美國的巨大發電機持續運轉的結果。
1929年10月初，振興威瑪德國的施特拉瑟曼總理逝世，僅僅一個月後，華爾街股票暴跌，揭開了名為經濟大恐慌的時代。
發電機停止運轉、照亮德國未來道路的明燈也隨之熄滅。
經濟大恐慌與希特勒的崛起
美國人的倒下使得德國失去了最後一位救星，才剛剛有所起色的經濟馬上又倒在地上再起不能。施特拉瑟曼總理後繼無人，威瑪政府進入頻繁更換總理的時期，但卻無人能夠解決問題、百姓們往往還記不住總理的名字就又倒閣改選了，唯一留下的印象就是「無能的政客」。
1930年代，德國國會當時主要是由兩大政黨───保守左翼的社會民主黨（SPD）與激進左翼的德國共產黨（KPD）彼此競爭，中間再夾雜一些其他小黨組成的執政或在野聯盟；而一個新誕生的政黨，國家社會主義德意志勞動黨（NSDAP），也就是納粹黨卻在其黨魁希特勒的領導下迅速地竄紅，在1932年七月的國會大選中取得了37.3%的支持率，成為德國第一大黨。
在這裡肯定有必要解說一下希特勒這個人與納粹黨這個黨，大家都知道的事就盡量不提了，只講一些比較重要但又經常為世人所遺忘的部份。
出生在奧地利的希特勒是個不太成功的畫家，因為考不上美術學校，而以德軍身份參加了第一次世界大戰，他曾遭毒氣與子彈的攻擊而負傷，並曾因勇敢戰鬥而得到了勳章，最後以一介伍長勤務上等兵身份退伍。
戰後那段混亂的德國內戰期間，希特勒參加了一個左派團體德國工人黨的活動，因為熱心於各種辯論演講而被邀請入黨，稍後被推舉成為黨主席後，希特勒把黨名更換成納粹黨。
年輕時代的希特勒對於1922年墨索里尼的「進軍羅馬」一舉成功感到非常崇拜，於是追隨法西斯路線，組織了暴力團「衝鋒隊（SA）」，計畫從慕尼黑發動一次「進軍柏林」的起義；不過希特勒顯然過度高估自己，他的追隨者只有喝醉的酒客和拍手叫好的工人，而資本家、教會、軍警公權力這時都已經被重整完畢的威瑪德國收編完成，因此1923年的這場政變被威瑪政府鎮壓成功，拘捕入獄。
法西斯路線的失敗與民主選舉的勝利
希特勒在獄中重新規劃他的路線，並完成了「我的奮鬥」這本口述自傳，出獄後確立了幾個未來納粹黨的新政策方針：
1.放棄武力奪權方針，廢除衝鋒隊（SA）、改建武裝親衛隊（SS）
2.以反共反左派作為競選訴求
3.鼓吹德意志民族主義與優生學說、反猶太、反天主教
用法西斯的手段奪權不成，希特勒就循著民主的遊戲規則加入牌局了，1928年納粹黨初次加入國會選舉，僅取得12席與2.6%的得票率，但由於納粹黨積極參與國政並且發表激進右派言論之故，很快就取得了國民們的注意力。
從行銷面的角度來說，納粹黨的出現正好填補了德國政界的市場真空，德共黨與社民黨都是左翼政黨，兩黨的主張都是維持凡爾賽體制，不過償還債務的方法一個是效法蘇聯老大哥實行計畫經濟、另一個是與資本家合作緊抱西歐美帝大腿請求減少債務，而納粹黨提出了德國人想做不敢說的心裡話：「去他的凡爾賽、還你個辣塊媽媽的賠款！」
於是納粹黨吸收了社民黨傳統的工人．軍人．資本家．保守派知識份子票源，在1932年大選把社民黨邊緣化，擠下德國共產黨成為德國第一大黨並主導組閣，也就不是那麼令人意外的事了。
隨後在納粹黨策動下，1933年的國會議事堂縱火案重創了共產黨的形象，希特勒有了名正言順的理由剷除作為第一大在野黨的共產黨，納粹黨得到了43.9%的席位，再聯合其他在野勢力獲得過三分之二支持，坐穩執政黨寶座。儘管並不是100%，但是德國人仍然為這過半數的支持率而付出了代價。
而第三大黨的社民黨除了投反對票之外也不會作什麼有意義的抵抗了（社民黨反對的就是德共黨的武裝打倒資產家建立無產階級政府這一套玩意兒，怎麼想都不可能會鬧革命），既然反對黨僅僅滿足於發表異議就好，希特勒在以國會多數的民意基礎上通過了授權法以解散．取締納粹黨以外的非法政黨，並且將立法權收歸，獲得塗改遊戲規則的權力，所以之後德國就不需要再舉辦國會大選了。不過，作為對黨外勢力的妥協案，納粹拉攏了右翼政黨的重要人物進入內閣，以作為解散政黨的權力交換。
1934年興登堡總統過世後，由希特勒一人兼總統總理二職，宣示了威瑪共和的落幕與第三帝國德意志的開始。
很諷刺地，德國通過民主選舉而非武裝政變，正式進入納粹獨裁專制時代。
但套用德國電影「帝國毀滅」中宣傳部長戈貝爾的一句話：「是德國人親手把權力交給了納粹黨，如今一起滅亡是他們咎由自取。」
納粹德國與其他軸心國家的相異之處
在1934年正式執政以來，納粹黨開始改造德意志這個國家「黨國化」，既然只有納粹黨這個黨的話那麼黨機器也就相當於國家機器了，同時教育制度、官僚任用等體制層面也都可以依納粹黨的需求來調整標準，就連公務員、律師、法官的選考過程中都增加了忠誠考核和軍訓測驗等無關的內容。
納粹德國使用擴軍、公共建設、福利政策三大法寶安撫民心；並以排猶、反共、撕毀凡爾賽（儘管英法早沒指望過德國還錢了）做為號召民眾團結的神主牌，事實證明這些招數相當管用，同樣具有強烈排猶反共情緒的英美等國，在大戰爆發前還出現許多納粹支持者，甚至在美國還有為其游說和主張美國國社主義化的納粹同情者團體。
擴軍、公共建設、福利政策三管齊下的結果是德國的財政很快就完蛋了，索要奧地利、索要捷克斯洛伐克、索要波蘭變成點燃世界大戰其實都是財政方面不得不為的判斷；就算納粹德國靠著印鈔票咬牙不打仗硬撐下去，那也只不過是讓納粹德國成為威瑪第二而已。與日本和義大利這些事實上除開戰外有其他選擇方案的國家不同，納粹德國不開戰事實上就幾無活路可走。
排猶政策頗得大眾歡心，但是排掉的猶太人要放哪裡去則成了大問題，如果大家都眼不見為淨，那最好的方式就是請他們永久消失掉，正如史達林所說的：「殺人是最好解決問題的方法，人沒了自然就不會有問題了」，於是納粹德國開始其他軸心國家不曾見到過的大規模種族滅絕式生產線屠殺。
儘管納粹德國堪稱軸心三國中政府控制力最強、國家團結度最高、政府效能度第一名的專業獨裁政府，但是各種黨國化的政策推行仍然稱不上是順利；特別是保有自身傳統矜持的老國防軍，始終抵抗著納粹「黨化」的勢力滲入，一直要到馮．布倫堡事件國防軍才屈膝臣服，到了1944年的720事件之後才正式跪地黨國化。
雖然財政方面極度困難，德國對於世界大戰的準備相當積極，德國是軸心三國之中唯一一個在開戰前有計劃屯積儲備石油和稀有金屬等戰略物資、並推動軍訓教育和國民教育結為一體的國家，盡管它的準備並不充份，後來被證明即使充份也贏不了世界大戰，但不管怎麼說，納粹德國相較起「趁火打劫義大利」和「騎虎難下大日本」來說，納粹德國發動戰爭的行徑顯然是預謀犯而不是臨時起意犯。
在歷經了許多軍事研究者耳熟能詳的大戰役後，納粹德國隨著希特勒的自殺劃上句點，最後一任總統鄧尼茲一邊對蘇聯能拖且拖、把東德國民救回來西方的努力後，接受了無條件投降，結束二次大戰的歐洲戰場。
戰後的德意志
德國戰後分別被美英法和蘇聯佔領，分割成為了德意志聯邦共和國（西德）與德意志民主共和國（東德）兩個國家，而基於背後的佔領國之立場與意志，戰後東西兩德也都一致的表達了否定過去納粹德國的立場。
戰爭結束後有很多不為德國本土民眾所知的事實暴露出來，像是對猶太人的大滅絕，還有那些反納粹的政治犯和異議者去了哪裡，種種真相令德國人再度大受打擊，因此戰後那一世代的德國教育著重於去納粹化，為了「避免讓納粹再度成真」而積極把這些歷史納入教科書中，並推動反納粹法案禁絕納粹份子在德國境內的活動，一切相關的圖騰、印紀、形狀、相關聯的藝術創作也都遭到取締。
或許是德國人做的太離譜了，也太自虐了，戰後直到今天大概除了還在扒德國油水的以色列以外，其他歐美國家很少再跟德國談起戰爭責任的話題，乃至於許多被德國取締的老納粹，是移居到法國境內接受法國政治庇護的，因為法國對於納粹取締的法規並沒有像德國這樣到了矯枉過正的境界。
曾有德國人譏諷此種狀況為：德國人用納粹的方式趕走了納粹。相對的、強力取締納粹的反動在1990年代德國統一之後反映出來，由於東西兩德統一帶來的經濟停頓期、高失業率，那些戰後出生接受去納粹化教育的年輕世代，開始高呼起「為什麼兩德要統一？」「為什麼要負上跟我沒關係的猶太血債？」「憑什麼納粹就不好？」的口號作為反父輩威權的動力，挑戰那些戰間期世代父祖輩們的神經，新納粹運動一時之間也頗有從德國再興之趨勢。
不過他們也發現到過去自己逃避納粹、把過錯塞給納粹的態度出了問題，伴隨著21世紀的德國電影、文藝界開始重視「我們的爺爺奶奶是納粹」這個不可磨滅的事實，許多老一輩的德國人脫下了他們隱瞞子孫一甲子的謊言，披露出納粹黨、親衛隊、少女團、衝鋒隊員等不可告人的身份，而新生代的德國導演們也透過影像作品向全世界傳達「德國人所看到的納粹」之真象。
大體上來說，德國人終究承認了「納粹黨是德國人選出來、被德國人支持、由德國人去實施大滅絕」的責任，這個責任成為他們永久無法脫下的重擔，刻苦但鮮明地，烙印在每一個國民腦海裡揮之不去，想忘也忘不掉的恥辱。
至今，再統一後的德意志聯邦共和國是歐盟境內總生產力排行第一、世界排行第三的經濟大國。雖說政治地位不如英法傳統列強，但是德國正在慢慢找到自己的定位。
究竟這樣的結果是好還是不好呢？也許只有歷史才能做出正確的評價吧。
From this day to the ending of the world、
從今天開始直到世界末日，
But we in it shall be remembered;
我們永遠會被記住。
We few、we happy few、
我們這一小撮，幸運的一小撮，
we band of sisters;
我們是一群緊緊相依的姐妹。
For she to-day that sheds her blood with me
誰今天與我一起浴血奮戰，
Shall be my sister.
誰就是我的姐妹。 |
| 25 L A T E S T R E P L I E S (Newest First) |
| gx9900gundam |
Posted - 04/12/2010 : 23:19:49
quote:
Originally posted by catman
容許我問一個笨問題:老希/納粹黨做錯了什麼事?屠殺猶太人?不是有一句叫"非我族類其心必異"嗎!種族屠殺在歷史上從沒停止啊.侵略他國?世上有那一國家不曾侵略他國?基於"別人有做過,自已為何不能做"的原則,老希不是非常正常嗎?連成吉思汗也能當國家/民族英雄,為啥老希就不能?說到底還是成王敗寇嗎?
我可沒影射X國啊!
又是憤青的笑話還是看得鋼彈太多?
當然對於認為全人類在一星期內被幹掉一半，只為了一小群人的理想的，只要說是為了自己理念而做的人，試試真的隨便宰個人來看看會有什麼後果?
希特勒那個破記錄的殺戮，本是為殺而殺的。
而且現在沒有很多人認為成吉思汗所做的是對的，現代人不可能像古代的人常以為異族是怪物或外星人般，以為自己打的戰爭就是為了保衛全人類的光明和黑暗之最後決戰，而且還有很多人批判古人的做法。 |
| 閒遊之人 |
Posted - 04/05/2010 : 19:42:17
別處聽來的
二戰甚至戰前德國就已經有糧食危機?
加上戰爭需要
糧食更加不足?
加上美國經濟大瀟條
導致貿易手段也完蛋?
|
| dasha |
Posted - 04/04/2010 : 07:40:55
1.納粹的屠殺是工廠生產線化的.
2.1815年以後歐洲內部原則上就是維持均勢,不能隨便搞侵略.
吉屋出售
台北縣板橋市大觀路一二樓公寓,接近國小至大學各級學校及公車總站,離捷運及板橋車站不遠.
詳情請洽0931043559田小姐 |
| LUMBER |
Posted - 04/04/2010 : 06:29:54
quote:
Originally posted by catman
"別人有做過,自已為何不能做"
這句話幾年前的總統和總統夫人也說過......不滛什麼,當大家改變遊戲規則,而且都在遵守時,還把這套拿出來講,不管發生什麼事,那就是活該. |
| catman |
Posted - 04/04/2010 : 04:04:02
容許我問一個笨問題:老希/納粹黨做錯了什麼事?屠殺猶太人?不是有一句叫"非我族類其心必異"嗎!種族屠殺在歷史上從沒停止啊.侵略他國?世上有那一國家不曾侵略他國?基於"別人有做過,自已為何不能做"的原則,老希不是非常正常嗎?連成吉思汗也能當國家/民族英雄,為啥老希就不能?說到底還是成王敗寇嗎?
我可沒影射X國啊! |
| zxm1984 |
Posted - 04/03/2010 : 23:17:31
从纳粹德国世界战略的角度来看，最好是中日停战，在中国建立一个统一的听命于德国的法西斯政权，以日本为首辅以中国丰富的资源和人力，打着黄种民族解放国家独立的旗号搞一个亚洲法西斯分坛，一票大小法西斯国家共同在德国的指挥下北进苏联，南下东南亚，印度，配合德国在欧洲和北非的行动，这样法西斯阵营将可利于不败之地。 |
| a8725422mark |
Posted - 04/03/2010 : 20:23:56
希特勒在1934∼1939是偉人，1940∼1942是狂人，1943∼1945是瘋子！
至於國府與德國交好，在於當時國府需要整編軍隊以及整頓軍備而德國急需原物料，兩個手上沒太多現金的國家便以物易物的方式互通有無，再說了德國相較於英、美、日等國與中國的利害關係不是那麼密切，自然那時的國府要員會對感覺德國的友好！ |
| 海軍之子 |
Posted - 09/18/2009 : 09:48:23
quote:
Originally posted by chaos
感謝海軍之子大賞文。
看完之後感覺當時德國在內憂外患之下亟欲找尋一個新的安身立命之道。只要經濟上還撐的下去、大家還有飯吃，整個情況就不致於一發不可收拾。
只是沒想到大善人山姆叔叔自己也躺平了，這時政治極端就不可逆啦。那些盡是背後暗算的共產左翼與搞不懂的猶太人在宣傳下最後還金剛大合體？
這下以色列人是跳到萊茵河也洗不清了。
這不得不讓小弟反思現在的民主政治，這種體制大概也只要大部分人都吃不飽就會垮台吧。要不是德國先爆，美國在大蕭條持續一段時間後搞不好也
會出現極端政治？
還承蒙看的起，現在補貼希特勒當權至開戰前德國社會思想，其他的部份就不貼了，不然會離題太遠，不好意思懶的翻成中文了(雖然是自己寫的)，就拜託大家將就點看吧
至於美國大蕭條會不會引發極端政治，我是絕得不可能，因為美國沒有經歷過威瑪共和國那段物價超級飛漲(很多德國中產階級一生的積蓄在一天之內就一文不值了)，也沒有經歷過凡爾賽條約和魯爾危機的喪權辱國，更沒有在DC跟共產叛亂份子打起內戰或目睹躲避共產革命之東歐/俄國難民潮，缺乏類似這些極端的集體回憶，是滿難走向極端的，說到這，三民主義說起來也有些部份與國家社會主義有點類似，除了反共產反猶太的部份以外
The Fruit: The Thousand-Year Reich
The 1930s put a final touch on the ideologies that have been long advocated by different conservative groups, and additionally shaped the mindset of those who received their primary and secondary education during this time period. The fact Germany was a collective society made the Nazi social values easier to gain acceptance among average Germans. As soon as Hitler became the chancellor, he issued his proclamation aimed to please millions of Germans who were unhappy with the parliamentary system and the chaotic political atmosphere. Hitler also gained support from the military and industrial leaders with his long-term plans for the “[d]estruction of the parliamentary system, suppression of the left, creation of a national dictatorship, rearmament, reversal of the Versailles Treaty, and preparation for war, should that become necessary to meet Germany’s supposedly legitimate need for more territory."Although Hitler attempted to achieve an overwhelmingly popular support to consolidate the foundation of his regime, the Nazi Party only scored 43.9 percent of the votes in a “not-so-free-election” in March 1933.
Even among the people who supported the NSDAP at the time, some may not truly grasp the ideologies it stood by. Many people felt encouraged by the party event mainly on an emotional basis as one woman from Northeim remembered she and many others were “drawn by the feeling of strength about the party, even though there was much in it which was highly questionable.” Hitler’s success was based on his vague promises to create a reality that was opposite the humiliation brought on since November, 1918. . After all the frustration with the then failing Weimar democratic system, the German people were longing for a fundamental change of the situation they were in, even if that means an authoritarian dictatorship. Three years after appointed to chancellor, by persecuting the German Communist Party, and with the help of the Catholic Center Party, Hitler obtained his dictatorship by quasi-legal means.
The National Socialist Party gained popular support by emphasizing the creation of a unified community of German people, or Volksgemeinschaft. Psychologically, people in general “want desperately to be liked, loved and in control of [their] lives.” People from a collective culture found happiness within “close, friendly, and respectful social engagement” comparatively more so than those coming from an individualist culture. This psychological factor made the concept of Volksgemeinschaft even more attractive to German society as a collective. The NSDAP also successfully created a self-image that they would lead the German people to bring those glorious days of August 1914 back to Germany. The German public believed that the national unity would strengthen the Fatherland in the “international arena.”Therefore, the strength brought by Volksgemeinschaft can help to achieve the common goals shared by German public in reversing the Versailles Treaty, and restoring the borders of 1914. Hitler’s decision to withdraw from the League of Nations and his reconstruction of the German armed forces were perceived as an act of self-respect by the German people, and thus received strong public support. The British and French governments’ submission in German rearmament and territorial expansion from 1935 to early 1939 boosted the national pride, and reinforced the public confidence in the Hitler regime and Volksgemeinschaft.
Ideologically and politically, the NSDAP inherited the long-standing concepts of anti-Semitism, anti-Communism and German Supremacy from the right-wing conservatives, and deemed to turn those ideologies into reality. The Reichstag fire on 27 February, 1933 provided an excuse for the Nazi to create a police state. The Hitler regime proclaimed the fire was a signal for another communist revolution and issued “The Reichstag Fire Decree” to suspend certain civil rights. Thus, the National Socialist government was able to use the police forces to suppress the left-wing parties as well as any other political opposition legally. This suppression additionally demonstrates the vague fear of communism among the German people based on their collective memories of the communist revolution. Aside from the political suppression of communism, the NSDAP carried out the ideological tenets of anti-Semitism. Government policies to persecute the Jews were carefully implemented to avoid international criticism and sudden disruption of the economy. However, anti-Semitism was not enough of a reason to explain the reason German people supported the NSDAP since other right-wing parties as well as Christian churches shared similar ideologies. Hitler slowly worked his way to gain public support by using the German resentments towards to the incompetence of the Weimar Republic. As historian Thomas Childers concluded, the German support in National Socialism was based on “dissatisfaction, resentment, and fear” of the reality they live in since the end of the Great War. As the Second World War broke out in 1939, the German people went to war with the similar mentality that they have held for decades: To redeem the Fatherland from the defeat and humility of the Great War.
"The world is a dangerous place not because of those who do evil, but because of those who look on and do nothing." -Albert Einstein
Member of IMFS(International Military Fans Society) |
| morningstar |
Posted - 09/16/2009 : 18:31:17
quote:
不要說讓國內大多數人吃不飽，只要美國轉去搞直接的殖民壓榨就夠了。事實上如果羅斯福用希特勒那套福利、武裝和侵略去解決大肅條，把美國的產能拿來玩侵略，就足以打下南美和奪取歐洲的海外殖民地。
太保守了
國家社會主義美國和全世界所有國家宣戰仍有五成勝算
Od lo avdah tikvatenu
Hatikvah bat shnot alpayim |
| LUMBER |
Posted - 09/16/2009 : 17:54:35
民主政治的發展其實比較像虔誠的基督/天主教徒要求國王跟貴族不要再因為政治上的理由要她們改信其他教派，後來的種族問題是把理想唱大到無限上綱才出現的.
南北戰爭的奴隸問題也是無限上綱到變成是滛了解決黑人問題的主題.真正的問題還是因為經濟上的歧念才引發戰爭.
二戰喔.....對美國來說最容易的,應該不是跑去南美.因為不容易.而是西特勒不腦殘,不玩種族那套,跟美國一起攜手侵略英倫三島挖她們的金庫解決經濟問題. |
| 曹公孟德 |
Posted - 09/16/2009 : 12:34:05
美國社會的發展恐怕很難有破壞白人民主制的空間，衷其量在日子難過的時候，又回去犧牲有色人種的那一套。
美國在白人國家中是個異類，正常來說，像歐洲國家一樣，在國內搞民主，國外搞殖民的話，沒有那一國能夠單獨對抗。美國吃完印地安、墨西哥後，如果有意願，要拿下整個北美也沒有難度。只能說美國在擴展期己經吃太飽，發財立品，北部的人生活過得太優渥，居然把注意力轉到了關心黑人奴隸身上去。
不要說讓國內大多數人吃不飽，只要美國轉去搞直接的殖民壓榨就夠了。事實上如果羅斯福用希特勒那套福利、武裝和侵略去解決大肅條，把美國的產能拿來玩侵略，就足以打下南美和奪取歐洲的海外殖民地。
|
| dasha |
Posted - 09/16/2009 : 09:04:58
quote:
Originally posted by chaos
這不得不讓小弟反思現在的民主政治，這種體制大概也只要大部分人都吃不飽就會垮台吧。要不是德國先爆，美國在大蕭條持續一段時間後搞不好也
會出現極端政治？
吃不飽的民主政治已經有範例了,中南美那些19世紀到20世紀前半吃飽時代發展出來的民主政體,現在歐洲衰落了他們也吃不飽了,就......
倒是說到美國的極端政治,小弟想到的是GS美神漫畫版那一段,跑回去宰了希特勒,那麼納粹首腦就會是在華府的甘迺迪......其實頗有可能,只是不知道這一段畫面有沒有在美國流傳?
吉屋出售
台北市基隆路二段套房,近台大及捷運,附近有黃昏市場,生活機能便利.
http://www.hbhousing.com.tw/web/A002/index.asp?module=search&file=Detail&No=Z087382%20%20%20&AID=A002
台北縣板橋市大觀路一二樓公寓,接近國小至大學各級學校及公車總站,離捷運及板橋車站不遠.
詳情請洽0931043559田小姐 |
| morningstar |
Posted - 09/15/2009 : 20:39:26
美國從來不缺乏極端團體
問題是美國資源太豐富了
哪怕是雇傭一批人挖坑
雇傭一批人填坑
社會只有20%的產能
也不會達到大部分人都吃不飽的程度
Od lo avdah tikvatenu
Hatikvah bat shnot alpayim |
| astroboy |
Posted - 09/15/2009 : 18:31:19
玩了三屆的羅斯福大概是美國人接受最大限度的強人政治了吧 |
| chaos |
Posted - 09/15/2009 : 16:44:10
感謝海軍之子大賞文。
看完之後感覺當時德國在內憂外患之下亟欲找尋一個新的安身立命之道。只要經濟上還撐的下去、大家還有飯吃，整個情況就不致於一發不可收拾。
只是沒想到大善人山姆叔叔自己也躺平了，這時政治極端就不可逆啦。那些盡是背後暗算的共產左翼與搞不懂的猶太人在宣傳下最後還金剛大合體？
這下以色列人是跳到萊茵河也洗不清了。
這不得不讓小弟反思現在的民主政治，這種體制大概也只要大部分人都吃不飽就會垮台吧。要不是德國先爆，美國在大蕭條持續一段時間後搞不好也
會出現極端政治？
|
| bloodrose |
Posted - 09/10/2009 : 11:02:40
quote:
按照傳統的歐洲國家遊戲規則，對德國加諸了非常苛刻的凡爾賽條約。
這句話有問題
凡爾賽條約是西洋史上最違反歐洲傳統外交遊戲規則的條約
從文藝復興時代開始
其實各國間的外交折衝不是由教會的教士
就是由一批義大利人四處奔走當職業說客/外交掮客
這些職業外交家多半不屬於直接衝突的兩方陣營
在旁觀者清/想多撈好處的狀況下
形塑出一次次近代的歐洲外交慣例
強權間戰爭後的和平條約重要的一點在於
勝者固然要拿到好處 但敗者也要留些台階/青山
大家都還要過自己的日子
其中達雷航和俾斯麥算是十九世紀歐洲史上最懂箇中奧妙的外交大師
達雷航保住了拿破崙戰爭後的法國
更是被譏為"強權分贓遊戲"的維也納條約
能成為史上最成功的和平條約的推手
俾斯麥在執政期間在外交方面作成的俾斯麥體系
也順利擔起了維也納條約維持和平的重任
(但因為老毛奇的關係 俾斯麥體系的罩門被擴大)
(俾斯麥下台對歐洲的震撼不下於維多利亞女皇駕崩
可說是"美好老時光"將要結束的警鐘之一
意味到彼此將難免一戰的歐洲列強在末代沙皇尼古拉二世的提議下
在海牙開了幾次會 成立了國際法庭的前身:國際常備仲裁庭)
但巴黎和約簽訂時
主導其事的不是文藝復興時代的外交掮客
更不是十九世紀的菁英貴族
而是一群被選票間接/直接推出來的民選政客
在民族主義的強迫推力下
(一戰的總動員體制更是嚴重強化了這個推力)
這些政客老實說也沒多大選擇空間
但還是不能藉此掩蓋他們因為失誤而造成的罪惡
於是當時歐洲史上最不合理的條約:巴黎和約誕生了
雖然日後美國驚覺這條約問題多多(會讓他們拿不到錢)
先後實行了道斯案和楊格案做補救
但還是無法阻擋希特勒和極右派的興起
有一派說法是
德國在兩次大戰間的經歷可被視為
日爾曼地區的"第二次三十年戰爭"
(第一次就是1618-1648這一場)
某程度而言更適合德國歷史的發展脈絡
另:1970年代德國國內有一波自發的反納粹"獵巫"風潮
隨著達爾文的演化論發表:人類學,優生學等學科也開始萌芽
當然在社會達爾文主義和反猶思維(反猶思維在十九世紀稀鬆平常)影響下
不可避免地走上偏鋒 納粹當然更要大打人種至上論
於是德國很多這方面的學者很認真地投入了這門學科
可是戰後這群為納粹做研究的學者教授並沒有第一時間遭到指控
依然在自己的大學母校教書 依然在學會發表成果論文
直到70年代學運潮燒到德國
年輕的大學生們開始對他們的老師學術背景及成果的來源有了疑問
於是一群教授在納粹時期做的事情就一件件被髒了出來
http://mypaper.pchome.com.tw/news/bloodrose/
1.中島陽子－值得效忠的暴坊女王
2.艾莉西亞 佛羅倫斯－真正的「成人」
3.愡流 明日香 蘭格蕾－因為LAS（冷靜肯定） |
| morningstar |
Posted - 09/08/2009 : 17:20:07
黑人玩奴隸card對亞裔一點用也沒有
亞裔才是美國社會地位最低 最被不公正對待的族群
Od lo avdah tikvatenu
Hatikvah bat shnot alpayim |
| 海軍之子 |
Posted - 09/08/2009 : 15:44:44
quote:
Originally posted by dasha
中國人與猶太人彼此不容易產生反感吧?因為很多做人做事原則都相同......這也是何以這兩種人比較容易遭到其他白種人白眼的原因.當然我們來看那些白種人就會覺得他們似乎是過於天真了......
還是會有，尤其是在美國的猶太人，我雖然有很多朋友是猶太人，但是偶而會碰到一兩個猶太至上的傢伙，不管是批評人家吃豬肉，還是拿Holocaust來說嘴(這對白人有用，但對中下階層黑人一點都沒用，尤其是跟某些黑人會一天到晚提奴隸制度，那種覺得所有人欠他的自憐心態有的拼)
白人也不是都很天真，基本上這些認知跟社會階層有關，美國人(尤其是中上階層白人)不喜歡提貧富差距和社會階級，但是美國的社會階層對立很大，幾乎可以說是兩個不同的國度(以前大學在學校餐廳兼經理，底下的工會員工大約99%都是市區貧困的黑人社區出身，和90%都是白人的管理階層及學校學生有很大的對比，那幾年剛好夾在中間讓我有很深的感觸)
"The world is a dangerous place not because of those who do evil, but because of those who look on and do nothing." -Albert Einstein
Member of IMFS(International Military Fans Society) |
| 海軍之子 |
Posted - 09/08/2009 : 15:28:42
順便貼一下威瑪共和國的部份，因為報告的主題是在二戰東部戰線德軍之思想及心態，並稍稍提及心理狀況(原來的計畫是還要從心理學的角度來探討，以及與基督教之關聯，但是為了趕截稿所以就把原計畫砍了大概1/3吧，但是再貼的這兩段我已經有稍微提到社會心理學的東西，未來是希望能以戰鬥心理學和社會心理學來彌補歷史分析之不足，Browning已經在做類似的研究了)，所以只著重於相關之社會事件及思想演進，有些流水帳就沒寫了
The Greenhouse: The Weimar Republic
The turbulent Weimar era provided a greenhouse for right-wing nationalist ideologies to grow among the German public. One could say the social and economic conditions in this era made the rise of National Socialist movement inevitable. The generations who were born or grow up in the 1920s also form the backbone of the German forces in the Eastern Front between 1939 and 1945. Those people would later spill their sweat and blood for the Fatherland and commit acts they could never imagine. It is important to understand the social ideology of their time in order to understand their mentality.
The Great War was coming to a bitter end for Imperial Germany. The high casualties of war had cause doubt on the heroism and German supremacy advocated by the Conservative Elites. The prolonged fighting without making visible progress had made the German public “los[e] their taste [for] war,” as historian Sebastian Haffner, only a boy back in 1918, described it. Inspired by the success of Russian Revolution in March 1917, the left-wing factions in Germany increasingly demanded the government to seek peace with the Allies. In July 1917, the SPD, Catholic Center Party and other liberal factions in the Reichstag passed a resolution demanding that the German government negotiate for peace. This action enraged the conservatives and cause further political polarization in Germany. The resolution also put down the roots of the belief that the left-wing and communists had sabotaged the war effort and took the victory away from the German people in the last minute. This emotional effect played an important role in Germany until the end of the Second World War.
Disregarding the political drama between the socialists and conservatives, the German military defeat was seemed to be inevitable. In August 1918, the German military High Command had made it clear to the government officials that the war could no longer be won and suggested them to seek peace. In an effort to gain more favorable terms to end the war, the German government underwent the process of political reform into a parliamentary democracy. Two months later, an order to conduct a desperate final attack from the German Naval High Command had caused mutiny of German sailors in Kiel. The mutiny soon became a full-scale communist uprising raging all over Germany. The communist revolution, although only lasting less than a year, had created an even more solid ground for the conservative belief of socialist and liberal back-stabbing. The situation had forced Kaiser Wilhelm II to announce his abdication on 9 November. The SPD assumed power from the monarchy and signed an armistice with the Allied to end the Great War two days later. The German military was simultaneously disbanded. Many Germans, like Haffner, have never heard a gunshot throughout the entire Great War until the communist revolution in Germany. The war was brought back to the home front. The memory of November 1918 was as symbolic as the “August Days” in 1914 in the German history. In Heffner’s words, the memory of November 1918, “recalls no sense of joy, only bad mood, defeat, anxiety, senseless gunfights, confusion, and bad weather.” Later, the right-wing factions often used these collective memories to advocate their ideology.
Many Germans from the middle class and above may not have understood what the revolution or communism was about, but they had enough fear of them. Haffner remembered, “As middle-class boys, who more over had only just been roughly jolted out of a four-year-long patriotic intoxication with war, we were naturally against the Red revolutionaries…Although we only vaguely knew that they would ‘rob us of everything,’ probably liquidate those of our parents who were well-off, and altogether make life frightful and ‘Russian.’” Haffner’s passage has demonstrated that the negative image of Russia had already existed in1918 and was linked to the bad memories of the communist revolution. This vague image would constitute the protective mentality which played an important role in the Eastern Front during the Second World War. Because of the communist uprising, millions of veterans went home and found themselves stuck with unemployment in the midst of revolution. Many joined different factions led by former officer corps to fight the communist, and later the same group of people fought for power in the government of the Weimar Republic. One of the Social Democrat leaders, Gustav Noske, was responsible for organizing the veterans into volunteer paramilitary units called “Friekorps (Free Corps)” to suppress the communist uprising. The fact the SPD and communist party had turned against each other weakened the power of the left against the radical right in the Republic. The communist revolution had created an anti-communist sentiment in Germany, which gave the right-wing an opportunity to seize power, and left the Social Democrats handicapped.
Opposite to the left-wingers, who were busy fighting each other, the right-wing factions had united against the liberal Republic and the revolution. The middle-class not only felt fear of communist expansion, but also felt a need for national unity to counter the radical left-wing movement. The nationalist slogans such as “Volksgemeinschaft (people’s community), Volksstaat (people’s state), and Volkspartei (people’s party)” had return to the society. People felt another “August Days” was needed. Furthermore, the punitive Versailles Treaty was vastly unpopular among the Germans regardless of their political orientation. The German public was angry with the humiliation of national sovereignty that Allied powers had imposed upon Germany through the treaty. Especially the Article 231, which held Germany fully responsible for the Great War. The treaty had become an original sin of the Weimar Republic in the eyes of discontented German public. The popular support turned to the right-wing groups attempting to reverse the treaty. Right-wing radical groups such as the National Socialist German Workers Party (NSDAP) took the opportunity to expand their grassroots among nationalists and conservatives. As the radical right-wing groups gained power, the once died-down anti-Semitism returned to the German society.
As mentioned previously, the anti-Semitism was suppressed during the war period for the sake of national unity. However, the situation has changed when the war ended with German defeat, and the outbreak of communist revolution. The German nationalists and radical right-wing groups blame Jews and left-wing for the German defeat and on-going revolution. At the same time, Russian and Baltic German refugees flooded into Germany to escaped from the Russian Revolution and the Russian civil war that was aimed to counter the communist revolutionaries. Those refugees also brought their stories into Germany with them. The right-wing nationalist and the refugees found common enemies in the Bolsheviks. The linkage of Jewish communities to left-wing groups before the Great War provided an argument for the anti-Semitic groups to advocate their ideology in the waves of anti-communism. Some of those refugees who had lost majority of their properties and their way of life to the revolution naturally became eager witnesses for the anti-left and anti-Semitic cause. Thus the terminology Judeo-Bolshevism (Jewish-Bolshevism) was born, and used by groups like NSDAP throughout the Second World War.
Alfred Rosenberg was one of Baltic German refugees who played an important role in the Nazi propaganda machine since 1921. He published an article called The Russian-Jewish Revolution in the midst of communist revolution is Germany, proclaimed the linkage of Russian Jews and communism in Russia, and intended to convince the German public that the Jews “had become the leading enemies of the Germanic ideals.” In Rosenberg’s article, he claimed “The workers and soldiers have been driven so far that there is no going back for them anymore, they are the slavish creatures of a tough Jewry which has burned all its bridges.” In the conclusion, he claimed “that the hatred against the Jews in Russia is constantly spreading, despite all terror. The most tenderhearted and tolerant Russians are now as full of this hatred as a tsarist bureaucrat used to be,” and warned that the Jews will flee to Germany, “where [people] love the Jews so much and keep the warmest seats ready for them,” if the communist government failed in Russia. Hitler was not the creator of the anti-Semitic fever, but he himself was a creation of the radical anti-left movement caused by the German political polarization and communist militant threat. Ironically, the German soldiers and workers would eventually be pushed to the extreme, not by the strong Jewry as Rosenberg’s world view, but by the very ideology Rosenberg advocated. Within a decade, the economic instabilities will ring the knell for the Weimar Republic.
In 1923, the public confidence in the Weimar Republic was severely damaged during the hyperinflation when France occupied the Ruhr industrial region for the reparations of the Great War. The inflation had effect the daily life of average German, as the exchange rate went from 7,589 marks to a dollar at the end of 1922 to 4.2 trillion marks in November, 1923. Many people had their life saving turned into nothing overnight. This became another painful collective memory for the German public, which became another factor contributed to Hitler’s acquisition of power 10 years later. Haffner described the year of 1923 as the year that “gave birth to [Nazism’s] lunatic aspects.” The French occupation flamed nationalism among the German public due to the passive response of the Weimar regime, a sense of national humiliation, and insecurity. Then the government’s economic stabilization measures in 1924 had put thousands of blue-collar workers out of job and maintained an unemployment rate of over 10 percent most of the time until the Great Depression. German people were looking for hope in the midst of broken economy, inflation, and unemployment. In Haffner’s words, “It was at this time, that invisibly and unnoticed, the Germans divided into those who later became Nazis and those who would remain non-Nazis.” The strong nationalism after the Ruhr crisis soon found new advocates.
In early 1920s, some conservative intellectuals had launched so-called “the Conservative Revolution.” The movement was aim to redirect to the right-wing nationalism from left-wing’s “November Revolution.” The concept of the Third Reich arose during the movement. In 1923 Arthur Moeller van den Bruck published an article titled The Third Reich, which was considered the most important publication of the movement and was re-issued again in 1930. In Bruck’s writing, “the Third Reich was envisioned as a unified, distinctively German national community in which the partisan divisions of Western parliamentarism, liberal individualism, and class-based socialism had been overcome.” The Conservative Revolution focused on overcoming the class division with the Germanic idealism, which echoed Houston Stewart Chamberlain’s German Supremacy, and prepared the German intellectuals in supporting the Nazi cause against the left-wing’s attempt to solve social class issue with material reality. Around the same period, German public had found a new passion in sports. Between 1924 and 1926, Sports records replace war news on the billboard. The fever of German Supremacy had returned from ten years ago. People were driven by the desire to find the lost glory of Germany through competition in sports. However, the dream of German Supremacy was crushed once more when Germany had only achieved second place in the 1928 Amsterdam Olympics. The raise of Bruck and Chamberlain’s ideology represent the effort of the right-wing conservatives in advocating for national regeneration from the disastrous defeat of the Great War. Those individual events subsequently paved a path for the National Socialist Party to seize power. In a way it prepared German people, especially the young generation, for a mindset to accept Nazi world view. Finally, the upcoming crisis would construct the final stage for Hitler to obtain power and eventually become a dictator.
The Great Depression in 1929 started the world-wide domino effect. The unemployment rate of industrial workers in developed economies rage to between 20 percent to more than 30 percent. The total trade values between 1929 and 1932 dropped by 70 percent. By 1931, Germany and Austria are on the edge of bankruptcy. The unemployment population in Germany almost reached 6 million people. The difficult situation created an even further polarized society. As a result of the militant approach the German Communist Party took, the mild SPD was weakened and the radical left drove millions of middle-class German to the side of the NSDAP during the Great Depression. In the Reichstag election on 14 September, 1930, National Socialist jumped from 12 seats to 107 seats and became the second largest party. Hitler suddenly obtained enough bargaining chips to make a deal with the old conservatives. Through a series of political bargaining, bluffing, and conflicts, the conservatives who feared the failure of National Socialist Party would lead to a more favorable situation for the Communists ended up compromising with Hitler’s demand, and accepted Hitler as the chancellor. Hitler’s Thousand-Year Reich would soon be on the center stage of history.
"The world is a dangerous place not because of those who do evil, but because of those who look on and do nothing." -Albert Einstein
Member of IMFS(International Military Fans Society) |
| 海軍之子 |
Posted - 09/08/2009 : 15:14:40
quote:
Originally posted by chaos
厚著臉皮請大大不吝分享。
那就不好意思獻醜了，先貼第一次世界大戰終戰前的部份，foot note的部份就不貼了，希望不會傷害到各位之眼睛
The Seed: The Great War
History is a continuous process, not divided segments. Therefore, in order to understand the mindset of the contemporary German during the Second World War, it is essential to understand the environment they came from. Many ideologies that were later advocated by the National Socialists first became significant during the First World War. Many of the German participants in the World War II Eastern Front were also either grown up in or lived through the Great War and its aftermath. Nevertheless, the Great War created the Weimar Republic and communist revolution in Germany. The political and economical climates caused by its aftermath had created a social environment beneficial to the National Socialist movement.
Nationalism was already popular in Germany before the Great War broke out On the eve of national mobilization, in response to the tension with Serbia, 300,000 Berliners assembled in from of Kaiser’s palace to show their readiness to defend the Reich on 31 July, 1914. Kaiser Wilhelm II proclaimed to the crowds: “I no longer recognize parties or confessions, today we are all German brothers, and only German brothers.” Nearly simultaneously, thousands of patriotic German flooded the Odeonsplatz in Munich on 2 August, 1914 to hear the declaration of war against Serbia. Those German were also there to recognize “the common fellowship of being German and of belonging to a nation.” The war declaration received a strong affectionate response of popular nationalism, which was remembered as the “August Days.” The popular nationalism and war had united the German society into a collective community. All distinctions between different social classes and religions were removed. The German concept of one united people, or Volk, was formed.
The idea of Volk is certainly evidence that the contemporary Germany in 1914 endorsed collectivism. In a collective community, each individual become what psychologist Shinobu Kitayama and Hazel Markus call “interdependent self.” Interdependent individuals have a greater sense of belonging to the group compared to individualist culture. Thus, the goal of social life is no longer about enhancing the welfare of personal life, but harmonizing with and supporting the community. A person who grows up in a collective society would more likely be giving priority to the goals of the whole group and defining their personal identity accordingly. Sacrificing personal welfare for a greater cause, when it is necessary, becomes a sense of obligation and an act of honor.
During this time, the conservative elites in Germany promoted self-sacrifice heroism and militarism. Economist Werner Sombart in his famous 1915 writing, Merchants and Heroes, expressed his definition of German spirit: “Man has to do his work as long as he lives…to be a German means to be a hero… wants to sacrifice himself-without anything in return.” In his 1897 speech, the Aim of the State, historian Heinrich von Treitschke also claimed that the fundamental function of the state is to organize an army and an administration of the law to protect its citizens. He further claimed that making war is the second essential function of a state. He stated, “Without war there would be no state at all…war will last till the end of history.” Treitschke also criticized the people who pursued peace as being “irrational.” The violent nature of war was neglected and became instead a glorious action. This kind of mindset reflects on the enthusiastic German public support during the first week of the war.
German supremacy was another popular theme the conservative elites advocated during that period. They believed that the German people were more advanced in every aspect than the other ethnic groups. This belief can be traced back years before the war. For example, English aristocrat and famous author Houston Stewart Chamberlain wrote in his letter to the Kaiser Wilhelm II in 1901, “[T]he moral and spiritual salvation of mankind depends on things German…for science, philosophy, and religion can today make no step forward except in the German language…today God relies only on the Germans...and if the creator of the moral world order has chosen the Germans as his instruments, then they must submerge themselves completely in the pursuance of this God-given duty.” In Kaiser’s response to Chamberlain, he wrote: “And now I wish God’s blessing and the grace of our Savior upon my comrade-in-arms and ally in the struggle for the Germanic peoples against Rome, Jerusalem, etc. The feeling that we are fighting for an absolutely good divine cause is our guarantee of victory!” Chamberlain’s view was popular among the German conservative elites. Protestant sentiments against the Roman Catholic Church were also involved; nevertheless, it reveals the ambitions of Germany’s sacred mission in the world. The words of Chamberlain and Kaiser Wilhelm II on German supremacy in 1901 echoed to the later slogan of “Deutschland, Deutschland über Alles [Germany, Germany above all].” Strong German nationalism not only created the concept of German Supremacy, but also triggered popular anti-Semitism.
Anti-Semitism was not a specialty of Germany. It had more than two thousand years of history in Europe even prior to the Middle Ages. It can be traced back to the Christian stereotype of Jewish immoral materialism and commercialism. It was also for the fact that the Jews rejected “world-renouncing Christianity.” There was also the racial element of assuming Jews were “selfish and sinful.” In Germany, the materialist stereotype was used by the conservative elites in the late 1800s to counter the middle-class liberalism and working-class labor movement. This was because the Jewish communities overwhelmingly supported, and assumed leadership positions in, the left wing political factions. The progressing growth of the left-wing parties proliferated the support of nationalism, militarism, and imperialism among the right-wing factions and the conservative elites. The traditional European Christian anti-Semitism was then intensified by popular nationalism and German supremacy because of the Jewish tradition of maintaining a separate identity contradicted the ethnic homogeneity, which the Nationalists viewed as a vital pre-requisite to establish a strong nation. However, this anti-Semitic sentiment was suppressed for the sake of national unity when the Great War broke out.
The seed of Nazi Germany was already planted for years in the dusk of the German Empire. The ideologies and social norms that the conservative elites have been advocated for years had reach to its peak in the imperial period in the midst of the First World War. The war, popular nationalism, and German supremacy had created a close collective community known as the aforementioned German Volk. The fates of ordinary Germans were bound together as the 4 years of bloody trench warfare wind down. The outcome of the Great War would create chaos and affect every single German’s daily life tremendously. The chaos in the short-lived Weimar Republic also provided the opportunity of a lifetime for the radical right-wing figures such as Adolf Hitler to seize power.
"The world is a dangerous place not because of those who do evil, but because of those who look on and do nothing." -Albert Einstein
Member of IMFS(International Military Fans Society) |
| chaos |
Posted - 09/08/2009 : 13:50:08
quote:
Originally posted by 海軍之子
在下最近才完成一篇類似的研究報告，大概有一半的篇幅是在討論戰前德國的經濟政治情勢對德國人之心態影響，不過都是英文的，有興趣的話在下再貼上來
厚著臉皮請大大不吝分享。
|
| morningstar |
Posted - 09/08/2009 : 12:23:14
匈牙利在帝國時代與日耳曼同為統治民族
捷克是被統治民族 已經幾乎日耳曼化了
有不一樣的記憶很正常
一戰後捷克在努力排除奧地利的影響 動作比較大
讓奧地利出身的西老板很不爽
Od lo avdah tikvatenu
Hatikvah bat shnot alpayim |
| 陸戰屋小步兵 |
Posted - 09/08/2009 : 11:30:28
其他軸心小國也能談一下 例如被支解出去的捷克 匈牙利等
都是往日帝國的一部份 捷克對納粹的態度似乎就不像匈牙利那麼積極
因為身為帝國臣民時的不快回憶?
戰爭對於國家來說是一件太過嚴重的事情,它會造成巨大破壞並且致人於死,所以不能輕易得把戰爭掛在嘴上 |
| dasha |
Posted - 09/08/2009 : 09:27:32
中國人與猶太人彼此不容易產生反感吧?因為很多做人做事原則都相同......這也是何以這兩種人比較容易遭到其他白種人白眼的原因.當然我們來看那些白種人就會覺得他們似乎是過於天真了......
其實德國的一堆問題不是只有德國有,那時整個白種人社會都有,程度差異而已,只是後來與納粹打起來,為了宣揚自己的正當性,把納粹宣揚的那些當成政治不正確的說法而強硬排除,變成好像只有納粹在幹,這也算是一種白色恐怖與集體性的歷史記憶改竄......成因嗎?宗教性是很大的因素,對富人的嫉妒也是一個因素,還有,民族主義興起後,對於自己社會中擺明非同一民族的雜質難以容忍的問題,也是一個,因此當初其實不只是排猶,還有排吉普賽人,以及把某些土地擠出去讓他們成立別的國家的狀況,美其名為"民族自決".猶太人與吉普賽人在歐洲沒有土地,所以這問題比較嚴重.
吉屋出售
台北市基隆路二段套房,近台大及捷運,附近有黃昏市場,生活機能便利.
http://www.hbhousing.com.tw/web/A002/index.asp?module=search&file=Detail&No=Z087382%20%20%20&AID=A002
台北縣板橋市大觀路一二樓公寓,接近國小至大學各級學校及公車總站,離捷運及板橋車站不遠.
詳情請洽0931043559田小姐 |
| 海軍之子 |
Posted - 09/08/2009 : 02:12:25
在下最近才完成一篇類似的研究報告，大概有一半的篇幅是在討論戰前德國的經濟政治情勢對德國人之心態影響，不過都是英文的，有興趣的話在下再貼上來
"The world is a dangerous place not because of those who do evil, but because of those who look on and do nothing." -Albert Einstein
Member of IMFS(International Military Fans Society) |
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